Cultural Services, Ministry of Education and Culture

The Hellenistic period begins with the death of Alexander the Great (323 B.C.), King of Macedonia and ends with the death of Cleopatra VII Philopator (30 B.C.). Alexander conquered Egypt and founded the city of Alexandria in 331 B.C. When his successors divided his vas empire, Ptolemy I Soter became Satrap to Egypt. Under the Ptolemies large numbers of Greeks migrated to Egypt and settled there. Egypt became the centre of the Hellenistic world attracting people from other parts of the Mediterranean. Social and political changes compelled people to adopt attitudes towards life that were markedly different form the values of the classical period. As J.J. Pollitt mentions: "Five attitudes or states of mind are particularly characteristic of the Hellenistic age; an obsession with fortune, a theatrical mentality, a scholarly mentality, individualism and a cosmopolitan outlook." These new attitudes led to the development of literature and philosophy, science and technology, arts and religion.
Four new major factors form the framework of the general religious outline of the period:
• The idea of universal
• The reception of oriental and Egyptian cults by people from other nationalities
• The appearance of mystery cults
• The element of syncretism ("henotheismus").
In this respect Cyprus as part of the Hellenistic world has to show some aspects of the above.
Evidence from many areas of Cyprus indicates that the presence of Egyptian divinities on the island dates from the Late Bronze Age onwards. In theses early periods of the history of Cyprus one cannot speak of the introduction of Egyptian cults, but of representations of various divinities on small objects (with the exception of Zeus Ammon and Hathor).
At the beginning of the 3rd century B.C. Cyprus was annexed by Ptolemy I Soter, son of Lagos, who became the ruler of Egypt; the city kingdoms ceased to exist and Cyprus was part of the Hellenistic Kingdom of Egypt. Cyprus came under the control of a strategos who was responsible to the king of Egypt. In the early 2nd century BC the strategos also received the title of the High Priest, responsible for all the cults on the island.
Unlike the dynastic cult, which was of prime importance, the Ptolemies didn't attempt to encourage the cult of Egyptian divinities in Cyprus as they did in Egypt. This is reflected in the subtle religious policy of the Ptolemaic officials of the island. However, the introduction of Egyptian gods was inevitable through commercial, military or other routes. A few literary sources and inscriptions as well as a considerable number of architectural remnants and other finds manifest the presence of Egyptian gods beside local cults in some major cities and rural communities alike. Isis and Sarapis, dieux par excellence of Alexandria, are the most important amongst them. As regards the cultic aspect of their worship, the most remarkable evidence comes only form Soloi and Amathous. Although initiation to the mysteries of the Egyptian gods in one of the most important religious developments of the Hellenistic and Roman periods, as indicated from various sources from the Mediterranean region, Cyprus was not open to this new religious trend. However, an unusual "primitive" syncretism – a characteristic element of the mystery cults – is recognizable as regards Isis in her relation with other female divinities of the island.


A large number of Egyptian objects have been found in the Swedish excavations at the Late Bronze Age locality Dhromolaxia near Hala Sultan Tekke. Although Cypriote Late Bronze Age objects seem to be lacking in Egypt after the Amarna period as Dr R.S. Merrillees has pointed out, quite a number of Egyptian post-Amarna objects have found on Cyprus. The Egyptian objects found at Hala Sultan Tekke are of calcite or alabaster, burnt clay, Egyptian blue, faience, glass, glazed steatite, granite or granodiorite, limestone, and lapis lazuli. Scarabs, amulets, bowls, dishes, vase fragments and bones of Nile perches are among the finds. It is particularly interesting that actually Egyptian wine jars, of the so called Canaanite jar type, have been identified by Dr Kathryn Eriksson at the site. The cartouches of the pharaohs Horemheb, Seti I and Ramesses II have turned up.
A gold ring with a lapis lazuli bezel was engraved with the Egyptian female name Nebuwy; it was found in a 12th century B.C. context. A gold pendant has a representation of a female priestess or goddess with an Egyptian wig. Stones representing the Egyptian games of Mehen, Senet and 20 squares have also been found. The finds have previously been discussed in OpAth XV, CRAI 1992 and in Festschrifts for J. Leclant and J. B. Hennessy. A summary of the finds and their importance will be given including recent finds.

Ecole Biblique et Archeologique Francaise

On connait l'importance strategique de Chypre dans la politique des souverains ptolemaiques aux IIe et Ier siecles avant J.-C., a la fois lieu d'exil des pretendants ecartes du trone d'Alexandrie et siege du navarque de la flotte lagide apres son retrait de l'Egee. La recherche s'est beaucoup moins interessee, en revanche, au role strategique de Chypre vis-a-vis de l'Egypte au cours des periodes archaique et classique.
A la fin du VIIe siecle avant J.-C., avec l'effondrement de l'empire assyrien, la puissance montante en Mediterranee orientale etait l'Egypte. On doit se poser la question du role de Chypre dans la politique des rois saites, notamment a partir du regne de Nechao. Par ailleurs, si Chypre ne representait qu'une des marches occidentales de l'empire assyrien, elle etait un element clef dans la politique achemenide en Mediterranee orientale, et particulierement vis-a-vis de l'Egypte. Enfin, si l'on considere les raisons qui ont pousse Ptolemee Ier a intervenir une premiere fois a Chypre, on constate que ce ne sont pas les potentialites maritimes de l'ile qui l'ont motive, mais sa volonte de constituer une sorte de zone-tampon face a l'Egypte: Polybe decrit Chypre comme le "rempart avance de l'Egypte" (VI 34,2-9).
A la lumiere des travaux recents sur la defense des territoires menes tant a Chypre que sur la cote septentrionale egyptienne, on s'efforcera d'eclairer la relation de l'Egypte avec la grande ile dans les politiques mises en ?uvre en Mediterranee orientale du VIe au IVe siecle avant J.-C. Les resultats des fouilles franco-egyptiennes et israeliennes menees sur une serie de sites entre Peluse et le Wadi Gaza (a Peluse meme, a Tell el-Herr, Kedoua, Tell Ruqueish, Tell Qatifa) apportent en effet des informations fondamentales sur la presence perse au Nord du Sinai. Cette region, parce qu'elle representait la frontiere du Delta oriental des les debuts de l'histoire pharaonique, a revetu tres tot, comme Chypre, une fonction strategique tres importante. On essaiera de comprendre comment le role strategique de ces deux regions, Chypre et le Nord du Sinai, de Gaza jusqu'a la "bouche pelusiaque" ou porte de l'Egypte, a pu se traduire materiellement et l'on s'interrogera sur la complementarite de ces deux regions dans les strategies politiques mises en ?uvre par les grandes puissances qui se disputaient la maitrise de la Mediterranee orientale.

Pascale BALLET
University of Poitiers (France)

La ceramique d'Alexandrie et de Paphos La lecture des relations entre l'Egypte et Chypre peut etre reactualisee grace a l'etude conjointe de deux contextes. Il s'agit d'une part des fouilles menees par le Centre d'Etudes Alexandrines a Necropolis (J.-Y. Empereur), dont j'ai etudie et publie une partie du materiel ceramique; d'autre part, du materiel des Tombes des Rois, en cours d'etude par l'Universite de Sydney (R. Green), qui m'a invitee a examiner ce materiel, en 1999 et en 2001. L'un des objectifs de cette communication est de montrer les points communs entre ces deux ensembles de ceramiques provenant de contextes funeraires, sans negliger de prendre en compte les facteurs d'evolution similaires a la ceramique en Mediterranee orientale, entre la fin du IIIe siecle et le debut du Ier avant J.-C.

University of Sydney, Australia
University of Sydney, Australia

The "Tombs of the Kings" is the largest Ptolemaic-period necropolis in Cyprus. The site, World Heritage listed as part of the Paphos Archaeological Park, has gained renown for its prominent rock-cut peristyle and chamber tombs. These tombs are of great interest not just for their fine construction, but also for their unmistakable architectural similarities with tombs known from Alexandrian necropoleis, perhaps most clearly seen at Mustafa Pasha.
The more elaborate tombs at the site have long been assumed to be the resting places of the political and administrative elite of Nea Paphos. Paphos was the Ptolemaic capital of the island, and we can expect the ruling class to have been closely associated with colleagues in Egypt. These two facts, probably essentially correct, are a neat explanation for the distinctly Alexandrian architectural tone of the necropolis. However, a closer examination of burial practices at the site is beginning to reveal a more complex picture.
The University of Sydney "Tombs of the Kings" Project is a research project designed to record and analyse material excavated from the site by Dr Sophocles Hadjisavvas, and more recently by Dr Paul Croft, between 1977 and the present. Our work with this remarkable assemblage has led to a detailed study of distinctive local elements of burial practice noted by Dr Hadjisavvas at the "Tombs of the Kings", and in the eastern necropolis of Nea Paphos by Dr Demetrios Michaelides. Aspects of these local practices show no parallels with Alexandria, or indeed with any sites outside the western coastal region of Cyprus.
This paper represents an early attempt to construct a fuller, more subtly nuanced picture of the interrelationship between Paphos and Alexandria in the Hellenistic period. Egyptian imports are present amongst the "Tombs of the Kings" assemblage, complementing architectural and historical evidence for close contact and exchange of ideas and materials between the two cities. Additionally, at both Paphos and Alexandria, similar groups of ceramic forms are found (either imported or local versions). However, these elements stand alongside, and within, a suite of funerary practices peculiar to the Paphos region. This results in a mix suggestive of complex interaction between local inhabitants and the Ptolemaic administration, and between continuing local traditions and the Hellenistic cultural koine of the eastern Mediterranean.

Tel-Aviv University

The petrographic analysis of Alashiyan letters from El-Amarna and Ugarit by Y. Goren indicates that these tablets were sent to Egypt and Ugarit from Cyprus, and the polity of Alashiya must be located on that island. Moreover, since the geopolitical configuration of Alashiya is still unclear, the identification of either Kalavasos - Ayios Dhimitrios or Alassa Paliotaverna/Pano Mandilaris as the source of official Alashiyan letters bears important implications for this vexed issue.
Review and interpretation of both archaeological and textual evidence suggest diachronic changes in the political landscape of Alashiya/Cyprus during the Late Bronze Age. In the Middle Cypriote III-Late Cypriote I period (ca. 1700-1400 BCE) Cyprus was most probably dominated by Enkomi, which may have controlled the copper industry of the entire island. During the Amarna period (14th century BCE), however, the capital of Alashiya moved from the coast uplands near the Troodos copper mines - to either Kalavasos or Alassa - due to severe security problems (repeatedly emphasized in Hittite, Alashiyan and Ugaritic texts) and managerial considerations.
Contrary to current opinion envisaging political fragmentation of the island in the Late Cypriote IIC, it seems now that the island's main centre of power - from which royal letters were still dispatched at the end of the 13th century BCE - remained uphill until its demise at the close of the Late Bronze Age.
In face of the above-delineated changes, the name Alashiya must designate the island as a whole rather than its shifting seat of power.

Universite de Rennes 2

Les relations de Chypre avec l'Egypte se manifestent des l'age du Bronze a Chypre. Elles sont particulierement bien attestees a l'age du Bronze recent. Les decouvertes faites notamment a Enkomi revelent des echanges culturels et commerciaux varies particulierement dans le domaine des objets de luxe (ustensiles d'ivoire et de faience, vases de pierre, orfevrerie). Nous avons choisi de nous interesser aux vases d'albatre et aux parures, des productions artisanales ou se fait particulierement sentir l'influence artistique egyptienne. Un phenomene qui a debute a l'age du Bronze mais que l'on peut encore observer notamment au 9eme et 8eme siecles avant J.-C. Les vases d'albatre correspondent a une ancienne tradition artisanale au Proche Orient que ce soit en Egypte, en Syrie, en Mesopotamie et en Iran, mais la vaisselle d'albatre retrouvee a Chypre est de style egyptien. Rappelons que des gisements d'albatre existent en Egypte, en particulier dans le desert du Fayoum. Les parures sont tres nombreuses et diversifiees tout au long de l'age du Bronze au Proche-Orient, l'or et l'argent sont frequemment associes aux pierres precieuses comme le lapis-lazuli, la cornaline et la turquoise. Au 2eme millenaire, les pendeloques en pierre sont remplacees par des pendentifs en or ou en argent evoquant des deesses protectrices, des divinites astrales. Au bronze recent, les pierres precieuses sont remplacees par des materiaux composites (fritte a glacure, bleu egyptien et verre), leurs couleurs permettent d'imiter les pierres fines, notamment le lapis-lazuli et la turquoise. On retrouve cela sur les objets de luxe de Chypre (vases, parures). Les parures decouvertes a Chypre sont influencees par la tradition egyptienne tout comme celles decouvertes sur le littoral levantin a la meme periode.

University of Rome

My research has attempted to ascertain whether Minoan experience on fortifications affected the design of egyptian's palatial fortress of the early 18th Dynasty at Avaris. The archaeological evidence assembled for this purpose, seems to support the idea that this building was not only a "fortified" residence, but could be an important source to study changes in design of egyptian fortifications throughout the New Kingdom.
Studies on practical problems of the construction and enduring of the fortress, related to the differing archaeological contexts of Egypt and Aegean and the specific Avaris's physical and topographical conditions, leads to a discussion of defining the use or function of 'building' as well as the problems to define the intensive contacts between Egypt and Minoan Thalassocracy.
By drawing comparisons from other parts of the Minoan world (Cyprus and Crete) and by an assessment of reliability of archaeological, iconographic, and literary sources, this paper offers a 'typological solution' as a very acceptable alternative to the 'traditional' approaches.

Centre Edouard WILL – Le Monde Mediterraneen Antique
Universite NANCY-2

Egyptian influences in Cyprus can be seen in two different categories of archaeological materials – on the one hand, in Cypro-Egyptian style and Egyptianizing sculpture, as is shown by numerous examples of ex-voto and statues of worshippers, and on the other hand in all sorts of small objects like amulets, scarabs and figurines, plenty of which have been found in Kition and Amathus.
The purpose of this paper is to underline the permanence of Egyptian influences or borrowings on the island during the Achaemenid domination – even though it is hard to say whether those borrowings were direct or brought by the Phoenicians. We shall study three series of objects related to royal authority, i.e. royal portraits, Hathor capitals and coins.
1-Royal portraits: Among the offerings found in a group of cult-places located in Paleapaphos, in the Mesaoria plain (Athienou-Malloura) and in the Salamis area (Aloa), a series of sculpted heads with Egyptian double crowns dates back to the end of the sixth century B.C. and beginning of the fifth century B.C. After the fifth century B.C. that type of royal crown is no longer present in Cypriot sculpture.
2 -Hathor capitals: Many hathoric images have been found in Cyprus on different types of objects dating back to the archaic period. For instance, the image of Hathor was used in capitals directly inspired by the Egyptian monuments. Those stone capitals have been found in several of the main archaeological sites of the island: Kition-Larnaca (2), Tamassos-Politiko (1), Amathus (5 and 2 fragments), Paphos-Kouklia (1), Vouni (1), unknown origin (1).
They all date back to a period going from the middle of the sixth century B.C to the second half of the fifth century B.C. Those capitals had a major position, not only in the cult-places of the great goddess of Cyprus, but also in the palaces of the fifth-century Cypriots kings, as was the case in Vouni and most likely in Amathus.
3- Coins: Coins show us that the Egyptian ankh symbol was used in numerous Cypriot mints, either in its genuine form, or in variations of that initial Egyptian form. That symbol can be seen on many of the coins issued by Salamis (from the reign of Evelthon, ca 525/520 B.C. to 430 B.C.) and by Paphos in the fifth century B.C. It is also present on certain coins issued by Kition (from the reign of Baalmilk to that of Pumayyaton). It also appears occasionally on certain series of coins from Idalion (coins of Stasikypros, before 450 B.C.), from Lapethos (reign of Demonikos II, 390-360 B.C.), from Amathus (tetrobols of Rhoikos, in the middle of the fourth century B.C.), as well as on coins that cannot be attributed to any specific mint (it may be Soloi in the case of bronze coins with ankh surrounded by laurel wreaths).
Those different objects which are both expressions of royal authority and archaeological evidence of Egyptian influences have been found together in the following sites:
- Paphos has royal portraits, Hathor capitals and coins with the ankh symbol.
- Amathus has numerous Hathor capitals and coins with the ankh symbol .
- In Kition, there are Hathor capitals and coins with the ankh symbol.
- In Salamis, there is a royal portrait in a near cult-place, as well coins with the ankh symbol.

Joan Breton CONNELLY
New York University

Poised off the western coast of Cyprus, just 18 km. north of Paphos, Yeronisos Island preserves a rare and substantive view into the very last years of Ptolemaic Egyptian rule. Five excavation seasons undertaken by New York University from 1992-1997 have yielded a host of finds that show a distinctly Alexandrian character and that are placed within an extraordinarily narrow chronological range. The majority of firmly datable finds fall between the years 80-30 B.C. and it is likely that the period of intense activity on Yeronisos will eventually be narrowed to an even shorter span.
Of the 13 coins excavated thus far, 10 belong to Cleopatra VII. Most of these show her together with Caesarion (47-44 B.C.). Two coins of Ptolemy King of Cyprus (80-58 B.C.) have been unearthed and one badly preserved coin that may possibly belong to Ptolemy VIII (146/5-117/6) have been retrieved. This makes the Yeronisos a critical chronological benchmark for the closer dating of late Hellenistic ceramic sequences from throughout the Eastern Mediterranean.
Remains of what appears to be an impressive public building, possibly a shrine, show foundations adhering to the Egyptian system of measurement as well as an extensive use of plaster, characteristic of Alexandrian construction techniques, for setting ashlars as well as for adorning limestone blocks, ionic mouldings, half columns and a spectacular lion's head water spout. A domestic complex showing evidence of food preparation, distribution and dining suggests that pilgrims came as overnight visitors to the island. A bottle shaped cistern with an monumental and unparalleled semi-circular impluvium, comprising over a hundred large calcarenite blocks, gathered and stored water for the those who visited this site which has no natural water source.
Interpretation of the function of Yeronisos is made difficult by the large number of unique finds that it has yielded. Yeronisos gives us the only Ptolemaic ostraka found to date on Cyprus. These show both incised letters as well as painted letters in cursive script. Some of these seem to give lists of commodities or offerings, at least one seems to indicate an attempt to learn or practice Greek letterforms. Thirteen unique limestone seals, pierced for suspension for use as amulets, show images drawn from Alexandrian iconography, including the Isis Crown, the Ptolemaic eagle and a portrait head of a corpulent Ptolemaic ruler. Still others of these seals show traditional Cypriot iconography including the free field bird, pinwheel, and what appear to be characters in Cypro-Syllabic script. Of clear Egyptian origin are a scarab and carnelian frog with silver pin through it, both pierced for suspension.
This paper will focus on the possible functions of the island in the turbulent days of the last Ptolemies. An inscribed ostraka with the word Apollo in large letters suggests that the deity worshipped on Holy Island was Apollo himself. As the sanctuary was clearly founded under Ptolemaic rule and died with it (there is no evidence of an archaic or classical shrine) focus will turn to Ptolemaic religious practices, in particular the roles of Cleopatra as Isis and of her son Caesarion as Ra, the sun god. Examination of the last governors of Paphos and their possible role in local worship will also central to this paper.

University of Wisconsin

Sometime in the sixth century BC, a ram-horned deity, commonly referred to as Zeus Ammon or Baal-Hammon, appears in the iconographical repertoire of Cypriote sculpture. Although common in Cyprus, statuettes with similar iconography and seemingly of Cypriote style are found elsewhere throughout the Eastern Mediterranean (e.g., Lindos, Samos, and Knidos). Often represented either as a ram-headed deity or as a human with a ram's horn headdress, the exact identification of these figures is debated due to a lack of epigraphical testimonia. Scholars traditionally associated the god with the Phoenician Baal-Hammon, however recent studies trace the development of the type back to Egypto-Libyan origins and the cult of Zeus Ammon. In fact, a North African origin of the type is likely. Relations between Cyrene and King Evelthon of Salamis in the second and third quarters of the sixth century (Herod. IV, 162), as well as representations of a ram-horned, anthropomorphic deity found on early fifth century Cypriote coins suggest a connection to the cult of Zeus Ammon. In general, the iconography of Zeus Ammon in Cyprus was well suited to the pastoral temperament of local cult activity, and appears to have assimilated easily with other divine images in the Cypriote pantheon (e.g., the Cypriote Herakles and Pan types). Several unpublished examples of Zeus Ammon statuettes recently excavated at the sanctuary of Athienou-Malloura illustrate the typological diversity of the corpus as a whole. This small but important assemblage from Athienou offers a valuable opportunity to discuss the origin and diffusion of the type and to further clarify its role within the context of Cypriote votive religion in the Archaic and Classical periods.

Department of Antiquities

During the Cypro-Archaic period and especially in its early phases there is undoubted evidence of the influence of Egyptian iconography and symbolism in Cypriote Art. It is worth mentioning that this important cultural phenomenon existed in the island of Cyprus much before its capture by pharaoh Amasis in 560 B.C..
When one tries to survey, clarify and localize the quite intensive influx of Egyptian symbolism, he can immediately realize that it affects primarily a certain part or a certain class of the ancient cypriot society, that is the royal families and the art related with their daily or funerary life.
The speaker will try to explain and analyse the influence on several objects of art, their relations with the ideology of the royal or upper classes and moreover he will try to give explanations why kings of Cyprus, Phoenicians and Greeks, adopted the pharaonic iconography and symbolism.

CNRS Aix-en-Provence

On considere generalement que les divinites d'origine egyptienne qui entrent dans le repertoire chypriote archaique sont de simples motifs iconographiques, empruntes a l'intermediaire phenicien, et servant a habiller des divinites autochtones.
Pourtant, nombre d'indices fragilisent cette idee recue: beaucoup de ces divinites, qu'il s'agisse de Zeus-Ammon, d'Hathor ou de Bes, occupent a Chypre une place qui est loin d'etre la leur dans le monde phenicien, ou elles sont plus rares, voire, comme c'est le cas pour Zeus-Ammon, completement inconnues. Par ailleurs, les modes d'utilisation de ces images divines a Chypre revelent une bonne connaissance de leurs fonctions et de leurs significations dans le contexte egyptien. Enfin, ces divinites apparaissent a une date souvent bien anterieure a celle de la supposee "conquete egyptienne" de Chypre, ce qui implique, pour cette transmission, un autre lieu que l'ile elle-meme et un autre contexte que celui d'une conquete militaire ou d'une soumission politique.
Cette communication, qui n'a pas la pretention de faire un releve, d'ailleurs souvent entrepris, de motifs egyptiens, se propose d'etudier precisement les conditions d'emprunt des divinites egyptiennes dans leur contexte historique. Cela implique notamment l'etude de la presence et du role des Chypriotes dans le Delta egyptien, en particulier a Naucratis, a l'epoque archaique."

Tel-Aviv University

Ancient Near Eastern archives of cuneiform texts contain numerous tablets whose origin is unknown. Letters often contain the name of the sender, but not always. Sometimes the letterhead is partly or entirely missing. In other cases we may have the name of the sender and still ignore his domicile. Worst of all, the location of some ancient Near Eastern and Aegean countries and cities has not yet been clearly established. In such and similar cases, scholars can only hope to find some paleographical, linguistic, or thematical clues for the origin of a tablet.
In light of this situation, we initiated in 1997 a systematic research program that would fill this gap in the means of the interpretation through a systematic study of the Amarna letters and other Near Eastern documents. The Amarna study was carried-out by Y. Goren (ceramic analysis), I. Finkelstein (field archaeology and geographical history), N. Na'aman (philology, history and geographical history). The Alashiya aspect of this research was made together with S. Bunimovitz.
The analytical study of the clay cuneiform tablets from the Amarna archive is concerned with the nature of the political and cultural interactions between Egypt and the Ancient Near East during the New Kingdom era, as reflected by the provenience of the tablets. The aim of this research is to examine the possible provenance of the tablets using mineralogical, micropalaeontological and geochemical methods. This may resolve some of the major geographical and historical problems concerning the settlement map of the Ancient Near East, particularly Canaan, at the second millennium BC. So far, over 300 tablets have been analysed. The results will be presented here using one study case, namely the provenance of the Alashiya letters from Amarna and Ugarit as well as an assemblage of Cypro Minoan texts from Enkomi and Ayios Dhimitrios.
The compositional characteristics of the Amarna letters from Alashiya indicate a source area on the margin of the Troodos Mountains in Cyprus, in the contact zones between sedimentary and volcanic terrains. Petrographic, micropalaeontological and chemical examinations indicate that most of the Alashiya letters from Amarna were formed from the marl of the Pakhna formation. A single letter indicates an assembly which corresponds to the clays of the Moni formation on the south-eastern flanks of the Troodos. A letter sent from Alashiya to Ugarit was made of localized colluvial clay, overlying the dolerite series on the fringe of the Troodos range. Various lines of evidence make it clear that the raw material was collected by the scribes in their immediate vicinity and not transported over large distances.
In conclusion, the political centre of LBA Alashiya should be sought in the region of south-western Cyprus. The implications of this conclusions will be discussed by S. Bunimovitz.

CNRS - Universite de Paris I - Universite de Paris X
Archaeological Research Unit, Department of History and Archaeology,
University of Cyprus

Egyptian elements in Cypriot tomb architecture and decoration are already evident – albeit few – in the Archaic period. One would expect that during the Hellenistic period, when Cyprus formed part of the Ptolemaic Kingdom, Egyptian and, more specifically, Alexandrian elements would abound. The hitherto published evidence, however, mainly from the capital Nea Paphos, is limited and seems to belie these close political relations.
The paper will attempt to establish (a) whether this is the true picture of the situation and (b) whether the Alexandrian influences can be traced outside Nea Paphos.

Department of Antiquities

Excavations undertaken in the "Tombs of the Kings" in Pafos along with the investigation of other Hellenistic cemeteries all over Cyprus have to an extent clarified a number of questions related to the foreign influence on the burial practices on the island.
Tomb complexes with peristyle atrium are mostly known from Alexandria and Pafos and the obvious resemblance between the two suggest direct influences from Ptolemaic Egypt. On the other hand some tombs in Pafos and elsewhere on the island have some common features with the so-called Macedonian tombs.
Was the Hellenistic period tomb architecture influenced directly from Egypt, acting as a stepping stone of a yet more distant influence from the Macedonia? Was Cypriot traditional architecture transformed to meet the needs of the newly established Ptolemaic elite? These are some questions to be discussed in the light of recent discoveries.

Irmgard HEIN
University of Vienna, Austria


The Austrian excavations at 'Ezbet Helmi in the Eastern Nile Delta have revealed masses of pottery, including a large number of Cypriote ceramics, dating from the end of Middle Bronze Age and Late Bronze Age I. The study and evaluation of the pottery, in particular from area H/I + H/IV, H/II and H/V, has been the subject of intensive research by the speaker.
The find areas (?) are of different character. In area H/I+H/IV, north east of the so called small palace, garden levels from the Second Intermediate Period were found, overlaid by a simple settlement from the first half of the 18th Dynasty. A large number of fragments of different Cypriote pottery wares was found within the Egyptian material, as for example White Slip Ware I and II, Base Ring Ware, Bichrome Wheelmade Ware, White Painted VI, and Red Slip Wheelmade Ware.
In Area H/II a part of the large Late Second Intermediate Period platform and Early New Kingdom palace construction was discovered. The ceramic material from here contains beyond other fragments a good number of Bichrome Wheelmade Ware vessels.
Area H/V revealed layers with houses from the Late Second Intermediate Period, where few Cypriote fragments were found. These houses now were overlaid by a thin ashy layer containing also several interesting Cypriote potsherds, as for example Bichrome Wheelmade Ware. In the top levels of this site storage constructions from the Early New Kingdom were discovered, showing again Cypriote ceramic fragments, as for instance Black Lustrous Wheelmade Ware and Base Ring Ware.
It is self evident that all the sites revealed also an uncountable number of Egyptian potsherds as well as imported material from Palestine, in sum a wide spectrum of ceramics at disposal for research. Therefore several strings are offered to show the connections of Egypt and Cyprus during the end of the Middle Bronze Age and the Late Bronze Age I. According to the stratigraphic appearance the development of Egyptian material from the different spots can be regarded as the chronological frame. This corpus contains locally produced pottery from the Nile Delta as well as imported vessels from Upper Egypt. The Cypriote sherdage has to be inserted into this framework in order to get an accurate picture. By comparison of the shapes and appearances of wares the synchronisation of the layers in the different areas can be observed. Here the Cypriote pottery, easily distinguished from the Egyptian corpus, plays also an important role.
Within this paper it is intended to present selected="true" examples of Cypriote pottery together with some representative Egyptian ceramics from the different areas. The chronological sequence of the appearance of the various wares offers an interesting approach to show connections between Egypt and Cyprus at the turn of the Middle Bronze to the Late Bronze Age.

Universite de Provence

Les influences egyptiennes dans l'art et la civilisation chypriotes, constantes du Bronze Recent a la fin de l'Antiquite, ont ete tres inegalement etudiees: depuis la grande synthese de Gjerstad en 1948, l'epoque archaique a beaucoup plus largement retenu l'attention des chercheurs que les siecles de la domination ptolemaique, puis romaine. Pour tenter de remedier a cette lacune, je presenterai un bilan sur les differentes formes plastiques et iconographiques qui, apres la chute des royaumes, derivent de contacts desormais « institutionnels » avec le monde egyptien hellenise. Si certains types lies aux modes de l'epoque pharaonique disparaissent (statues a shemti et couronne double, steles hathoriques), d'autres, comme les images du dieu Bes, persistent sous d'autres formes. Une nouvelle iconographie se repand avec de petits bronzes de style entierement egyptien, des figurines de terres cuites, des ?uvres « d'art mineur » comme les intailles, les sceaux, les bijoux, tandis que la grande sculpture en pierre est nettement moins marquee qu'au VIe siecle par les traits egyptisants. L'originalite de l'art « chypro-egyptien » s'efface peu a peu au sein de la koine de Mediterranee orientale, en laissant pourtant quelques traces interessantes, en particulier a Amathonte.

University of Liverpool

In this paper, I propose to consider the ways in which material culture was used to express social identity in Cyprus and Egypt during the 18th and 19th dynasties. I shall focus on the choices made by individuals for social display from an ever-widening repertoire of luxury items, the fruits of increasing international trade. These choices were embedded in specific social contexts, and I shall explore the ways in which those choices were manipulated or constrained by individuals and communities.
Such an enquiry presupposes a view of the individual in society that would never have been posed even a decade ago. However, the rise of gender studies rekindled an interest in the role of the individual in society that had been effectively abandoned by the functionalists, processualists, and structuralists more interested in group dynamics. At the same time, there was, in the 1990s, a new interest in the role of the individual in society in the fields of sociology and ethnology, particularly in the works of Giddens, Foucault and Bourdieu, all influential in archaeology. The result is a view of society where individuals are in continual negotiation with their environment, still adhering to hidden rules, as suggested by the structuralists, but adapting their behaviour to the specific context in which they find themselves (agency theory). Social action is now seen as derived from contexts actively and creatively manipulated by individuals, choosing to reinforce or transform the structure of society (structuration theory).
Nevertheless, in the material record, the practical agency of the individual lies somewhere between the exploration of social theory and the examination of economic detritus. The legacy of the scientific and materialist concerns of the 1960s and 1970s means that sophisticated post-processual theory is underpinned by simplistic assumptions of economic behaviour, particularly with regard to demand, production and consumption. Patterns of consumption fulfil social criteria, but much theory of choice is consigned to the vague concepts of taste or exotica, and says nothing about how or why those tastes were formed. Successful penetration of markets has been viewed in terms of the attractiveness or scarcity of the product on offer; this says nothing about habits of consumption in those new markets, yet it is precisely those patterns that are reflected in the material record.
I argue, from a standpoint that embraces both agency theory and the theory of consumption periodicy, that there is a strong link between the social construction of society and its consumption patterns. I suggest that the successful penetration of markets by foreign and/or luxury goods has as much to do with a society's perception of the individual, and the rewards and constraints placed on the him, as economic and political factors. Egypt and Cyprus are particularly interesting areas to review in this light, since they arguably present cultural extremes: Egypt, old, imperial and bureaucratic, and Cyprus, securing a place for itself in the international arena. Both were required to adapt to the pressures of internationalism, and both created different languages of social display: consequently their desire for luxuries and exotica are also different.

Archaeological Research Unit,Department of History and Archaeology
University of Cyprus.

A review of available bibliography shows that, most publications regarding the metals trade between Egypt and Cyprus in the Late Bronze Age are principally concerned with the export of copper from Cyprus to Egypt. This trade is documented both iconographically, namely in a number of Egyptian monuments, mainly tombs, and textually, if of course we accept the identification of Alashiya with Cyprus. The recent discovery of a fragment of an oxhide ingot during the excavation of the foundries at the site of Qantir, the ramesside capital of Egypt, Piramesse, has for the first time provided material evidence of this trade.
The royal correspondence between Alashiya and Egypt discovered in the archives of Amarna has shed some light to questions regarding the form and scale of the exchanges. Many scholars have commented on the large numbers of copper ingots the king of Alashiya sends to Egypt, on the indirect evidence provided by the letters that the copper was produced in his land, and on the export of timber from Alashiya to Egypt. The letters, however, are equally interesting for another reason, one that has not yet been given much attention: the insistent requests made by the king of Alashiya for silver. In two of the eight royal letters, namely EA 35 and EA 37, the king of Alashiya asks for large quantities of silver, which, as he points out should be, of the very best quality.
These requests are interesting for many reasons: why is the king of Alashiya in such great need to have large quantities of silver? What would he do with it? Silver objects are rather rare in Late Cypriote contexts, even though silver is not as precious as gold, which on the other hand is often found in the tombs of this period. Where would the king of Egypt obtain the silver? Is it a local product or one that he too would have to get from somewhere else? And also why is the king of Alashiya not asking for gold, a metal that is abundant in Egypt and one that like silver is absent from the metalliferous deposits of Cyprus?
The paper will try to address these questions and consider the metals trade between Cyprus and Egypt from a different angle than the one that has hitherto monopolized scholarly discussions.

Kenneth A. KITCHEN

The amount of Egyptian evidence for these terms is fairly limited, and the data that actually tell us something useful and positive are more limited still. In the last 50 years, very little new such data have surfaced; one Middle-Kingdom piece is of some use. Here, the data for both Irs (Alasia) and Isy (Asiya) are dealt with separately. Those data are not sufficient to establish location(s) for either Alasia or Asiya with absolute certainty, or to prove their identity or separate existence either way. Careful scrutiny of the more useful data gives us two possibilities (not certainties) for locating Irs/Alasia, and the likelihood (but not proof!) of its identity with Isy/Asiya; if separate, then a separate location for Asiya can be suggested, but if not, it goes with Alasia.

A. Bernard KNAPP
University of Glasgow

Archaeological and iconographic evidence for an artistic and ideological koine during the second millennium BC continues to grow throughout the Aegean and eastern Mediterranean. In each case this phenomenon must be assessed cautiously and contextually if we wish to illuminate the commercial, ideological, or artistic endeavours that characterised the eastern Mediterranean world, and helped to legitimise and perpetuate its elites. The experience and knowledge gained by Mediterranean traders and political elites as a result of their contacts with the distant polities of the Near East became key sources of social power, invisible commodities that motivated trade, inspired acculturation, modified cultural attitudes, and continuously transformed social practices.
On Cyprus, the social, economic and ideological transformations that characterise the Late Bronze Age have been linked in part to a major expansion in interaction with the older 'civilisations' of the Near East and Egypt. Keswani, for example, maintains that towards the end of the 13th century BC, Cypriote elites sought to distinguish themselves by using various prestige goods imported from Egypt and the Near East, or by imitating prototypes from those areas.
This paper considers the possible 'import' of Egyptian and Near Eastern symbolism and royal ideology into Cyprus, explicitly from the perspective of considering distance and access to the 'exotic' as possible sources of elite power. Several gold, metal, stone, and glyptic items decorated with animal motifs, sphinxes, hieroglyphic signs, and other images, alongside the more complex iconography of several carved ivory objects (struggles between lions and bulls, hunting scenes, warriors combating griffins, a man leading a sphinx) suggests a sophisticated manipulation of the Near Eastern ideology of kingship and royal power.
For a 'secondary' state such as Cyprus, contacts with the ancient civilisations of Egypt and western Asia were at least partly inspired by the wish of local elites to enhance their social and political position. For the 'primary' states of the Near East, these same contacts were stimulated chiefly by economic concerns. The co-optation of broader western Asiatic or Egyptian iconography, images, artists or ideas into localised contexts on Cyprus represents social as well as individual exchange. The likely coding of elite motifs used in Cypriot, Aegean and eastern Mediterranean jewellery, metalwork, frescoes, and faience or pottery vessels has rarely been discussed with respect to the ideational aspects of long-distance trade, or even to the possible exchange of craftspeople as producers of art, works that capitalised on the significance of distance and the other. On Cyprus, the adoption of Near Eastern icons of power may have served initially to centralise the political economy at Enkomi, but subsequently it functioned to disperse the wealth derived from copper production and interregional trade more widely through the island. Contact with the distant civilisations of ancient western Asia, whether economic or ideological, served as an exclusionary political strategy with far reaching social implications.

Zurich University

Until the end of the fourth century B.C. Old-Paphos (today Kouklia) was the residence of the kings of Paphos and the only urban settlement in southwest Cyprus.
Rank and importance of Paphos were based on its position as a religious centre for the cult of the goddess Aphrodite. According to a far common legend Aphrodite, the ' foam-born goddess ', is said to have entered the island for the first time, near the rocks of Petra tou Rhomiou, few kilometres southeast from Kouklia. Thus Paphos represents the most famous sanctuary of Aphrodite in antiquity. It ranked beside Olympia and Delphi among the few supra-regional cult centres, which remained from Greek throughout the Roman period of equal importance.
Ties between the sanctuary and the Ptolemaic rulers, who governed Cyprus from 294 B.C. on as a separate province of Egypt, can be studied closely through the greek inscriptions of Old-Paphos, of which the main part consists of texts from the Hellenistic period. As votive gifts to Aphrodite in her sanctuary statues were erected for Ptolemaic kings and the ruling elite of Cyprus. The remaining statue bases honour Ptolemaic emperors, the military governors of the island of Cyprus, other high-ranking officials and locale notables with their families. The texts also show that during this period not only the island of Cyprus but also the cult of Aphrodite was in the hands of the Egyptian rulers, because the military strategi were at least at the end of the 3rd century the High Priests of Aphrodite as followers of the Paphian kings in this function. Besides these pedestals of statues, the main group of greek epigraphical monuments of Old-Paphos, there are only a few other monuments providing further honorific or dedicatory inscriptions which give insight in cult practises as well as social and administrative history: decrees of soldiers and officials, dedications, catalogues of offerings and royal letters from the Ptolemies.
Universidad Autonoma de Madrid (Spain)

The Third Intermediate/Late Period necropolis excavated at the ancient site of Herakleopolis Magna between 1985-1993, has brought to light some foreign pottery vessels -complete pieces and several broken sherds- which are difficult to decide if they were in origin Phoenician or Cypro-Phoenician vessels. The pottery types I am talking about should be Cypriote copies of Phoenician forms, or Phoenician copies of Cypriote forms. The Heracleopolitan finds has very close parallels in shapes, sizes, fabrics and decoration in the so-called Phoenician Pottery found at Cyprus, dated to the ninth Century B.C. and belonging to the P. M. Bikai's Transitional Period related to genuine Cypriote archaeological contexts, such as that of Salamina Tomb Number 1 and several tombs of Amathus, but also with Tyrian archaeological contexts as the layers IX-VIII of Tyre.
Most of the vessels found at Herakleopolis seems to be related to the funerary cult of persons of high rank who were buried in large stone tombs with vaulted annexed chambers of mud brick which were built in the course of XXII Dynasty; others pottery pieces of similar peculiarities seems to be a little later as they have been found associated with burials of the Early Saite Period. Similar foreign pottery vessels has been found in other Egyptian archaeological sites among them Matmar, Ashmunein and Saqqara should be quoted. Most of them correspond to the shape called 'juglet' by Bikai, with neck-ridged and painted decoration.
This paper presents the Cypro-Phoenician pottery types found at Herakleopolis Magna and other Egyptian sites. The aim of this communication is to discuss if these foreign potteries has been found in groups or as isolated pieces, and how were the Egyptian archaeological contexts where these specific pottery vessels has been found.

Universite de Rennes 2 - Haute Bretagne et
Institut Francais d'Archeologie Orientale du Caire (IFAO)

L'ile de Chypre avantageusement situee a l'extremite orientale de la Mediterranee a ete un carrefour de civilisations et d'echanges commerciaux. L'objet de cette communication s'inscrit plus particulierement dans le cadre des relations commerciales entre l'ile de Chypre et l'Egypte. Par l'etude des sources ecrites et des vestiges archeologiques, nous allons proposer une synthese concernant les produits echanges entre les deux pays de l'epoque hellenistique a l'epoque romaine tardive. Durant ce travail, nous allons nous arreter plus longuement sur les amphores vinaires, recipients de transport par excellence, qui constituent l'indicateur le plus direct de cette activite. Par leur localisation nous aborderons les problemes des circuits commerciaux et par leur quantification on tentera d'estimer l'importance de ces echanges.
Bien que les sources ecrites s'etendent peu sur les caracteristiques des crus de Chypre, l'ile possede des le IIIeme siecle av. n.e. un vignoble capable de produire de bons vins qui trouvent des debouches commerciaux chez ses voisins notamment l'Egypte. On les voit arriver a Alexandrie, dans le Fayoum et a Taposiris Magna en meme temps que les grands crus egeens tels le Chios ou le Thassos. La production vinicole de Chypre etait vendue sur les marches etrangers non pas dans des amphores connues dans la litterature archeologique sous le nom generique d'amphore "chypriote" mais dans des amphores specifiques a chaque region d'origine de la production. Comme les autres cites du monde grec, celles de Chypre individualisent leur vin a travers la forme de l'emballage. C'est ainsi qu'au IIIeme siecle av.n.e., lorsque l'intendant Zenon procede a l'evaluation des stocks d'amphores du Fayoum, il distingue aisement les differents series d'amphores: Kouriaka, Pafia, Paria, ... [keramia], amphores de Kourion, de Paphos, de Paros etc.
En revanche, l'exportation des vins egyptiens a l'epoque hellenistique et romaine vers Chypre comme dans les autres regions de la Mediterranee orientale reste faible. A l'heure actuelle nous possedons seulement quelques amphores de type bitronconique retrouvees a Amathonte, a Paphos et a Kition. Ces recipients remontent principalement a l'epoque romaine imperiale.
Les textes anciens evoquent les echanges entres ces deux regions. Mais, nous pouvons nous interroger sur l'intensite et l'importance de ces relations. Dans l'etat actuel de la recherche, les faibles quantites d'objets decouverts ne laissent pas prejuger l'existence d'un axe commercial privilegie entre Chypre et l'Egypte a l'epoque hellenistique et romaine. Les premieres resultats seront a mettre en relation avec les recherches recentes menees sur les echanges entre l'Egypte et le monde egeen afin de mieux cerner ce que representent ces regions l'une pour l'autre dans leurs debouches commerciaux.

Andreas MEHL
Halle-Wittenberg University

The paper starts from a - perhaps - embarrassing fact: Exchange of goods between Egypt and Cyprus and especially importation of goods from Egypt into Cyprus does not culminate during the few decades of late Saite-Egyptian dominion or political influence over Cyprus, and it does not diminish in the subsequent period of Achaemenid-Persian rule over Egypt as well as over Cyprus. So the paper will go on two lines: (1) The exchange of goods between Cyprus and Egypt will be examined both on the qualitative and quantitative level. (2) The peculiarities both of late Saite-Egyptian political presence on Cyprus and in the immediate neighbourhood of the Mediterranean Levant and the politics and administrative principles of the Achaemenids in the regions and 'provinces' of their empire will be brought out to understand better the continuity of exchange between Cyprus and Egypt in a time of political changes.

Cyprus American Archaeological Research Institute

The foreign connections of the Philia Culture, which flourished in Cyprus in the transitional Chalcolithic/ Early Bronze Age period around the mid-third millennium B.C., include not only influences from Anatolia but possible imports from the Levant. Amongst the latter are at least two stone bowls and a jug from the cemeteries near Vasilia on the north coast of the island. Made of gypsum, which could have come from Cyprus or more probably Egypt, they have simple forms which lack any contemporaneous parallels in the island but have only generic resemblances to the stone vessel industry of Old Kingdom Egypt. Nevertheless finds of Old Kingdom stone vases have been made along the Western Asiatic littoral as far north as Ras Shamra opposite Cyprus, and random occurrences of Levantine ceramic imports are recorded in Early and early Middle Bronze Age contexts in the island. Though there is no convincing collateral evidence for exchanges between Cyprus and Egypt in the third millennium B.C., it seems most likely that the gypsum bowls and jug from Vasilia either originated in the Nile Valley or were made in the island under Egyptian inspiration. Nothing indicates that they could have come from Early Bronze Age Palestine.

Polish Centre for Mediterranean Archaeology
University of Warsaw

Well-known are most close and multiple links existing between Alexandria and the region of Paphos during the Hellenistic period. However, the finds of Egyptian-made pottery are rather few in Cyprus and their repertoire appears to be a haphazard collection of forms (drinking bowls and plates, lopades, amphorae).
Only few examples of Ptolemaic pottery in Nile silt fabrics were discovered at Yeronisos by the New York University expedition headed by J.B. Connelly; nevertheless, their importance cannot be denied. They not only add to the corpus of relevant finds, but also seem to be testimony to direct contacts (even if their nature is uncertain) of local inhabitants with the vessels' owners. For there can be no doubt that „imports" of Ptolemaic pottery to Cyprus should actually be considered as personal belongings of visitors (sailors? mercenary soldiers?) from Egypt.
The same can be said about very few Egyptian terracotta lamps, all mould-made, discovered in Cyprus. Actually, the Yeronisos excavations did not yield any of them. However, the collection of lamps from Yeronisos is exceptional in that the latter clearly were objects of a local make (to judge by the fabric), yet following, as far as their shape and decoration were concerned, contemporary Egyptian (Alexandrian and Nile Delta-region) products. Moreover, the Yeronisos lamps have been made in extremely worn moulds, which actually must have been copied (through surmoulage technique) from original Egyptian lamps once brought to Cyprus (Paphos? or Ayios Georghios?) and used there as sub-archetypes in the production of the new moulds. Surprisingly, the evidence for direct re-working of such sub-archetypes (i.e., secondary archetypes) has been provided by no more than two Yeronisos lamps. Should this fact be a measure of high esteem in which the Egyptian products were held by lamp-makers active in the Ayios Georghios area in the 1st century BC?

Marie-Dominique NENNA

La documentation sur l'architecture funeraire alexandrine a ete profondement renouvelee par les fouilles menees entre 1997 et 2000 sur le chantier du pont de Gabbari (Centre d'Etudes Alexandrines, CNRS UMS 1812). Elles ont livre un reseau extremement serre de plus d'une quarantaine de tombes souterraines occupees entre le IIIe siecle av. J.-C. et le VIIe siecle apr. J.-C. qui s'inscrit dans une continuite topographique avec la dizaine d'hypogees mis au jour par une equipe allemande dans les annees 1970 et les quinze hypogees decouverts en prospection par le CEA. L'ensemble presente un echantillonnage extremement varie de tombes individuelles, familiales et collectives, dont on se propose ici de dresser la typologie. On n'y trouve guere le luxe et le soin dont temoignent les tombes de la necropole orientale ou celles de l'ile de Pharos, qui ont souvent ete considerees comme des sources d'inspiration, des modeles pour le reste du monde hellenistique, et notamment l'ile de Chypre. A travers les tombes de la necropole occidentale, se fait jour des la haute epoque hellenistique un autre modele, celui de la tombe ouverte avec ses rangees superposees de loculi, ses espaces de service et ses espaces reserves (pieces closes, pieces a lit funeraire, pieces a sarcophages...). Sous sa forme de tombe collective (ou sont ensevelis des personnes n'ayant pas entre elles de liens familiaux ou sociaux), ce modele semble avoir ete retenu uniquement dans les megapoles du monde antique et au premier chef a Rome, ces megapoles avaient a repondre aux memes exigences en terme de nombre de defunts qu'Alexandrie. En revanche, les elements qui constituent ce modele comme les rangees superposees de loculi, les pieces a lit funeraire ou les pieces a sarcophages ont ete diffuses dans les tombes familiales du reste du monde antique.

Danielle A. PARKS
Brock University, Canada

The presence of Egyptian elements in Cypriot burial customs becomes quite noticeable during the Hellenistic and Roman periods, as is to be expected in view of the Ptolemaic suzerainty over the island. The categories of mortuary evidence examined in this paper include tombstones, tomb architecture and their appointments, rites of deposition, and choice of burial containers. Funerary customs are among the most conservative aspects of a society, and therefore if connections with Egypt are evident in this sphere, it can be assumed that they are present in Cypriot culture generally. Patterns in distribution over time and across the island help to delineate the nature of the transfer phenomenon, and the underlying motives.

University of Glasgow

The very name we give to this period of human prehistory - 'The Bronze Age' - is a measure of how fundamentally significant in not only economic, but also in cultural and socio-political terms the acquisition, distribution and use of metals was at this time.
The control over metals production, distribution and export was fundamental to the establishment and ongoing legitimisation of the Cypriot elite of the time. Furthermore, the interregional and international contact between elite groups necessary to ensure the supply or demand for metals is seen by many to have provided a powerful impetus towards domestic Cypriot social and economic development and change. This ongoing contact also resulted in the increasing integration of Cypriot elites in the cultural, artistic and ideational koine of the eastern Mediterranean during the Late Bronze Age.
Extensive excavations and, more recently, landscape survey projects carried out both in Cyprus and Egypt over the past century has resulted in a wealth of detailed diachronic regional data. What hitherto has been lacking, however, is an examination of these detailed, regional datasets within a specifically social and spatial interpretative framework facilitating evaluation and synthesis on a large scale.
Recent advances in the analytical capabilities of GIS systems now available allow, for the first time, the potential synthesis of such previously isolated datasets as:
• Distribution of known copper production and distribution sites.
• Distribution of finds of raw copper ingots (oxhide, bun, slab, plano-concave, etc.)
• Distribution of other prestige items likely to have been associated with the metals trade (gold, silver, ivory, alabaster, faience; frescoes/wall paintings [as part of koine]).
• Distribution of IDEAS – for example, the extent of similarities in ideational and representational aspects of material culture indicative of a widespread koine
This paper considers some specifically Cypriot and Egyptian data as evidence of extensive maritime associations between Cyprus and Egypt. Additionally, the range and distribution of exclusive Egyptian exotica discovered on Cyprus is discussed in the context of its probable role in the socio-ideational legitimising of local Cypriot elite political status.

Ecole Francaise d/Athenes

Les trente-cinq fragments de statues de Bes recemment mis au jour sur l/agora d/Amathonte ont contribue a renouveler sensiblement la documentation relative au culte de Bes a Chypre. Bien que de datation delicate, ces nouveaux documents permettent d/apprecier, par l/etude typologique et iconographique, les phenomenes religieux de rapprochement et de fusion a l/origine de la formation du Bes chypriote. Le premier point de cette intervention visera a mettre en evidence les points de contact entre le Bes egyptien et le "Bes chypriote", mais aussi les elements distinctifs de ces deux entites divines. Present a Chypre des le Bronze Recent en tant que divinite propitiatoire, la divinite egyptienne a vraisemblablement joue un role important dans le processus de rapprochement, d/assimilation et de fusion aboutissant a la mise en image du "Bes chypriote". Mais ce dernier semble avoir largement pris ses distances avec le nain difforme que Bes etait en Egypte. Le deuxieme point souleve au cours de l/intervention sera celui des rapports du Bes chypriote avec la grande divinite feminine d/Amathonte, Aphrodite/Astarte qui pouvait aussi adopter la forme egyptienne d/Hathor, dont la presence est elle aussi attestee sur l/agora. Comportant l/un et l/autre des elements hybrides, ces deux personnages pourraient refleter leur association cultuelle unissant un grand dieu oriental de la fertilite a une deesse. Les elements topographiques lies aux circonstances de decouverte seront egalement sollicites afin de mettre en evidence les liens de cette divinite avec l/eau. Cette importance de l/eau tendrait a faire du dieu d/Amathonte une divinite de la fertilite, caractere qui a probablement favorise son rapprochement avec le Bes egyptien et avec Melqart, voire avec un Heracles marin. Les liens entretenus par le "Bes chypriote" avec l/eau conduiront enfin a s/interroger sur ses accointances avec Poseidon, presque absent de Chypre. Cette mise en evidence des traits significatifs du Bes chypriote permettre, on l/espere , de suggerer quelques pistes visant a eclairer les rapports respectifs du Bes egyptien, du dieu phenicien Melqart et d/Heracles.

Vrije Universiteit Brusel

Script is known on Cyprus from the Late Bronze Age, i.e. from about 1500 B.C., borrowed by the Cypriots from the Aegean Linear A and called by Evans Cypro-Minoan. The language(s) it annotates are still unknown. The script developed in the first millennium into the Cypro-Syllabic script, that prevailed on the island from the Cypro-Archaic (ca. 750/725 – 480/475 B.C.) until the Hellenistic period (310 – 50 B.C.) and annotates an Archaic form of Greek and a not deciphered language, called Eteo-Cypriot. It appears on a lot of stone grave-stelai, on pottery (painted or engraved before or after firing [often on imported Attic black-glazed pottery], on gems, jewellery, stone sculpture, etc.].
No representations of scribes or carriers of written documents are known for the Late Bronze Age. The only material object, aside the documents themselves, directly linked with scribal activity are perhaps ivory stylus so from Enkomi and Maroni-Vournes which may have been used to made inscriptions on soft clay.
The fist representations of scribes or carriers of written documents appear in the Cypro-Archaic II period (ca. 600 – 490/475 B.C.) and the last one can be dated to the early Hellenistic (late 4th –3rd century B.C.). They are very rare, made of stone (so examples from Lefkoniko, Golgoi, Salamis-Toumba tou Michali) or exceptionally of terracotta (so an example of unknown provenance). Most of the scribes are seated on a chair, a roll on their knees or are seated before a table, but standing representations in "lotus position" as is familiar to Egypt, are known to me. The carriers of tablets or rolls can be genuine Cypriote representations (so the one from Chytroi carrying a tablet with a Cypro-Classical inscription) or can be inspired by Egyptian divinities (so an example from Amathous with a head of a falcon).
Tablets in stone or terracotta are equally known and at least one name of a profession sited on a tomb epitaph of Marion can refer to a schoolmaster, while Phoenician inscriptions of Kition refer to scribes.


According to Strabo, the attraction of Cyprus' abundant fertility made the island contested territory among many states throughout its history (Geography 14.6.5). After the death of Alexander the Great in 323 BC, Ptolemy I Soter, of the dynasty of the Lagids, took possession of Cyprus for the next 250 years. The island now became part of the Egyptian kingdom until its declaration as a Roman province in 58 BC. With the occupation of the island by the Ptolemies, initially in the form of garrison troops, the cults of Egyptian divinities were introduced. Though the traditional cults continued, such as Apollo at Kourion, Aphrodite at Palaepaphos, and Zeus at Salamis, two novel elements were now instituted: the cult of Egyptian gods and that of the Ptolemaic rulers. Among the cults attested in Cyprus during the Ptolemaic period are that of Sarapis, Osiris and Isis. In addition to inscriptions, temple architecture and literary accounts, Cypriot art of this period is representative of change in religious ideology.
Art has always been an agent of ideology, both in form and function. The relationship between art and power has often been summarised under the category of propaganda; however, the articulation of ideas of cultural ideology, by means of particular visual strategies, is characteristic of emerging states and a changing political environment. Augustus' Ara Pacis is a unique iconographic composition in that it celebrates the mythological origin of Augustus and glorifies his position as princeps. Parallels in visual form can be made between the founders of Rome (Aeneas, Romulus and Remus) and Augustus himself, the 'new founder' of Rome. One can also observe a conscious aim of keeping a low public profile throughout the iconography of the altar, a common feature of Augustan monumental art. These visual strategies are carefully chosen to effectively illustrate the authoritative power, while taking heed not to completely sever the relationship between the ruler and the ruled. What one would term 'religious art,' that is art used in ritual ceremonies and/or involves mythological or sacred iconography, is a most effective means of transmitting the power of a new state; its effectiveness lies in the close relationship between religious dogma and political agenda.
The purpose of this paper is to analyse the aesthetic construction of power in Ptolemaic Cyprus. Through the study of various mediums of visual art I hope to answer the question of whether artistic production during the reign of the Ptolemies served to legitimate Egyptian rule in Cyprus. The ability of visual art to carry messages nonverbally makes it an especially subtle and stealthy means for communicating messages of authoritative power. By looking at the dispersion of Ptolemaic iconography throughout the island, mostly in the form of religious art, one can further understand the extent to which Cypriot civilisation was subjected to Egyptian rule.

Asociacion Espanola de Egiptologia

In this International Conference on Egypt and Cyprus in the Antiquity, we propose to talk about the iconography of some Cypriote images lacking in inscriptions but, due to their similarities in appearance to the Egyptian iconography of the god Bes, designated as "Bes-figures". The aim of this paper is to set up a comparison between the different manifestations of Egyptian Bes images and those related to the same or very similar iconography found in the Phoenician-Punic environment in which Cyprus island must be included.
The main purpose of this study is to detect which are the properly Egyptian features attested in the iconography of the god through the Phoenician-Punic environment, which features are caused by this late cultural world, and which new details occurred in the Cypriote "Bes figures".
We centre this study in the Phoenician-Punic world but the period covered is wider because of the highly relevance of some Cypriote and Syria-Palestinian models dated to the previous chronology of Cypriote Bronze Age, whose peculiarities must be discussed and compared with the pieces dated to Phoenician-Punic times.
Through our research we have paid most attention to the different types of materials used for the models of the "Bes-figures" because they could be related to particular iconographies and different origins.

Ashmolean Museum

A reassessment of the painted riverine landscape with Nilotic vegetation, birds and fish, recorded at Salamis in the 1930s. Tentatively dated to the 6th century AD, this is a typical example of the kind of Nile water scene which seems to have been especially popular in the Eastern Mediterranean in late antiquity, continuing in use into the early mediaeval period; but it is atypical in its situation - a water cistern. The addition of inscriptions related to the blessing of holy water at Epiphany make the connection even more explicit. The painting can be related to comparable scenes in Christian contexts within Egypt, in churches at Abu Girgeh, Kellia and Bawit. The transformation of Nilotic imagery into a generic 'Paradise' landscape has been noted as an explanation for its continuing popularity in church art, but in its Egyptian appearances at least, this imagery, essentially that of the Nile inundation, seems to retain a specific association with the powerful regenerative qualities of the annual flood, and the idea of access to the new year's floodwater within a sacred precinct. The Salamis painting seems to share in this ideology - not surprisingly, perhaps, when it is set in the historical context of Egyptian imagery in Cyprus.

University of Copenhagen

Foreign elements in Archaic Cypriote products are typically discussed as evidence of foreign political domination or as indicators of specific ethnic population groups living on the island. With reference to Herodotus' account of the encounter with Egypt during the reign of Pharaoh Amasis it has often been suggested that Egypt actually ruled Cyprus for a period of time during the 6th century BC.
Egyptian or Egyptianizing bronze figures, scarabs, scaraboids and pendants have been found on the island, and Egyptian influence is evident in the local sculpture, in particular the so-called Cypro- Egyptian style, but also the Proto-Cypriote and Neo-Cypriote style. According to E. Gjerstad Cypro-Egyptian sculpture "is a phenomenon, which falls outside the general development of Cypriote art: not being rooted in the psychical disposition of the people it hovers in the air, has no beginning and no end. It is simply a matter of fashion explained by the Egyptian domination of Cyprus". On the other hand he found that "much more important is the form of Egyptian influence revealed by Neo-Cypriote sculptures" where "the Egyptian elements are not imitated, but transformed and assimilated within Cypriote expression".
Male statues with Egyptianizing dress comprising Gjerstad's Proto-Cypriote, Cypro-Egyptian and Neo-Cypriote styles were discussed by G. Markoe with the purpose to determine the origin of this particular type. Following the late date suggested by C. Vermeule he concluded that unlike the Egyptians of the 26th Dynasty, the Phoenicians and the Cypriotes adopted " a dress style and an aesthetic in keeping with the New Kingdom sculptural tradition". Moreover, contrary to E. Gjerstad he suggested that "this Egyptian dress style and male votary type were clearly a product of the
Egyptianizing tastes of the local Cypro-Phoenician population". G. Markoe did not elaborate on the diversity of the Cypriote statues wearing Egyptianizing dress. M. Bronner, on the other hand, explained the different execution of the Egyptianizing crowns worn by some of the Cypriote statues as a result of the changing political situation on the island and followed F.G. Maier's interpretation of them as an attribute of royal power. The lack of uniform rendering of the Egyptianizing elements is repeated by the Hathor capitals and other relief's, which underlines the eclectic attitude of the Cypriotes.
Cyprus was located at the margin of Egypt, Phoenicia/Persia and Greece and the adoption of foreign elements from these areas may simply be explained according to a centre periphery model. However, at the same time Cyprus constituted a complex society like the surrounding societies and the need to introduce new symbols and dress codes may also have been of a complex nature. Concerning the Hathor heads an Egyptian religious iconography was basically adapted, but not necessarily the Egyptian theology, while the Egyptianizing statues may be explained as an expression of power imagery. The diversity of style and the combination of different elements, on the other hand, seem to indicate that a marginalisation took place. The present contribution focuses on the use and combination of the various Egyptian and Egyptianizing elements with the purpose of illuminating the nature of consumption by the Cypriote kingdoms.