Naming Patterns in Venetian Cyprus: The Case of Marathassa Valley

Naming Patterns in Venetian Cyprus: The Case of Marathassa Valley

By Dr Marina Ilia, NetMAR UCY Early Stage Researcher

Have you ever pondered the significance of your name? What factors have shaped your naming convention? What does a name really say about your ancestors’ history?

As Tassos Papacostas states, ‘the study of the names of people is definitely a tool worth exploiting, for they shed ample light on the choices made and on shifting patterns of name giving’. Our first name confers upon us specific qualities that contribute to our unique identity. However, a name means much more. It tells a story that is passed down through generations. Whoever has chosen our name for us has embedded a message for the world. Sometimes this message is related to our family’s past. It shows a bond which shall remain alive as long as the name passes from one person to another. It also shows the current trends in name-giving or even a personal taste. In addition, a name can also be based on a cultural influence and the cult of a local saint. Whatever the case, the study of name formation and name practices brings to the fore exciting information about an individual’s origin, a family’s past, social status and networks, and local history.

Cyprus by Leonida Attar: F. Cavazzana-Romanelli and G. Grivaud, Cyprus 1542: The Great Map of the Island by Leonida Attar, Nicosia, The Bank of Cyprus Cultural Foundation, 2006.

Certainly, the study of onomastics can reveal a great deal about a community. Let us delve into the naming conventions of Venetian Cyprus, specifically in the Marathassa valley located in the Troodos Mountains. This area was divided into nine villages on the northeast side, which were owned by Antonio Audet’s heirs, Galeazzo Cercasso, Marco, and Zaco Frassenge as a private fief. Due to the fief holders’ loss of control over their dependents, they commissioned Florio Bustron, a prominent Cypriot administrator and historian to conduct a census in 1549 of the population living in their property. Florio was aided by a local scribe named Peratis, who made at least one copy of the original document. Today, a copy of this census is held at the State Archive of Venice. The census includes every male parico (alive or dead), his wife/wives, and all his children (whether legitimate or not). Apart from illegitimate children who are named after their mother’s first and family names, name-giving in this region followed the patrilineal pattern. Typically, an individual’s first name was followed by the father’s name, then by the name of the grandfather, and lastly by the family name. In rare cases, an additional first name was given, that of the great-grandfather. Naming patterns were consistent for both male and female children. Fortunately, the document includes data on the entire population, including female parice and children of all ages, which are usually excluded from other similar documents of the period.

A family in El Prattico della Marathasse.
Real Picture by the author

The document’s extensive amount of data encompassing over 2,500 individuals facilitates a study of naming patterns that is based on various factors such as age, gender, and the origin of a given family. The outcomes of this research can yield valuable insights into naming practices and the potential reasons for specific nomenclature choices.

Let us examine the second largest category of males mentioned in the document, namely individuals between 30 and 40 years old during the time of the census. These people were born between 1509 and 1519. In around 100 cases, 23 different male names are provided. In the top five names based on frequency, 15 men are named Fluris, 12 are named Vassilis, 10 men are named Michalis, another 10 Jorgis and 5 men are named Lefteris. Based on the above records, 52 men between 30 and 40 years old (52%) have one of the top 5 names. The rest of the male names recorded in this group are common local Greek names for that period like Dimitris, Nicolis, Lasaros, and Argiros. Interestingly, there are no names of Western origin. All these names are still very common in Cyprus and are pronounced in the distinct Greek Cypriot dialect.

We shall now turn our attention to the largest group of males which refers to the boys up to 10 yers old. These parici were active between 1539 and 1549, the years of the census. The records show that in over 200 boys, there are 50 different names. In the top 5 names based on frequency, there are 31 boys named Jannis, 16 boys called Vassilis, 15 boys with the name Zorzis, 13 boys are named Loys, and 10 boys have the name Michalis. Of the boys born between 1539 and 1549, the 84 parici represent only about 40% of the total. The other 118 boys have names that were far less common with some of them being of Greek Cypriot origin, such as Glioris (a Cypriot variation of Gregoris), Thiocaris, Gliondis, and Christudias, making up around 20% of this group. The rest of the boys, accounting for the remaining 40%, have either Western names, such as Valerio, Jacomo, and Lorenzo, or traditional Greek names with a westernised twist, such as Pieros instead of Petros, and Alessandro instead of Alexandros.

An analysis of the girls born after 1539 highlights specific parallels with regards to the boys. Among the 190 girls aged from 1 to 10 years old, the most common name is Maria, with 55 girls sharing that name. Following closely behind is the name Christina with 27 girls, while 8 girls are named Fostira and 7 girls have the name Elena or Athussa. The remaining 45% of the female population have rare names that were used only once or twice, such as Benetta, Catelina, Diana, Linora, Speranza, and Luncretia. Interestingly, most of the female names have a Western origin. There are merely 5 traditional Greek Cypriot names with 15 girls being given those names, namely Archondia (2), Argiri (5), Parascheugi (4), Fotia (2), and Eugenia (2).

Two distinct observations can be made from the data. Firstly, there is a significant difference in the number of unique names for each age group with a larger variety of names for younger individuals and a gradual decrease in older groups. Secondly, there is a shift in the origin of names with older individuals having more common and traditional Greek Orthodox names, while younger individuals have names of Western, particularly Italian, origin. In cases where Greek Cypriot names are used, the westernised versions are adopted. For example, the name George appears as Zorzis for younger boys and Jorgis for older individuals.

But what could be the reasons for the said naming patterns? One significant factor is the naming trends of the period, which reflect the region’s history and the changes that were brought about through the Venetian rule. Located in the Troodos mountains, the community in question was geographically isolated from the rest of the island during the Lusignan period that preceded the Venetian occupation. The capital, Nicosia, which served as the centre of administration and the royal seat, was more than 70 kilometres away. The nearest harbours, Keryneia in the north and Larnaka in the south, were around 100 kilometers away. Both the geographical isolation and the local administration of the fief holders contributed to limited cultural integration with foreigners. Additionally, parici were not allowed to move from one location to another without permission. Consequently, it can be reasonably inferred that socialisation for local parici was mainly with fellow villagers and family members, and new names and trends were not easily imported to the area. Therefore, it is only a small number of male and female parici over the age of 30 who had names of Western origin, while the vast majority were given common Greek names that were typical of the period.

It must be pointed out, however, that there was a gradual shift in naming patterns with an increasing number of people born after 1520 who were given names of Western origin. This could be attributed to the Venetian way of administration which promoted the island’s economic development and allowed for the arrival of new people, mainly Italians, who ventured into the most isolated mountainous areas. The arrival of traders who travelled long distances on foot or by horse to acquire or sell goods led to the opening of new roads leading to the mountains. In addition, several administrative officers appointed by the central Venetian Government visited the area monthly. With their names being unusual or unconventional for the locals, they became a unique and excellent choice for parents. Thus, the majority adopted the most popular names for their children.

Another prevalent naming convention involves the use of family names. In nearly every nuclear family, children born before the 1520s were named after a close relative, such as a grandfather, uncle, or aunt from both sides of the family. There are only a few exceptional cases in which none of the children shared a name with a family member. These were families with very young parents and children between the ages of 0 and 10. Surprisingly, a vast majority of first-born sons bore the name of their mother’s father, which is uncommon in Cypriot society. As for first-born daughters, they usually had the name of an aunt from the mother’s side. Younger boys were named after their father’s father or brother, while younger girls were named after an aunt on the father’s side. In rare cases, a child was named after a grandmother. In a patriarchal society where the father was the head of the family and the patrilineal line was highly respected, instances like those mentioned here are noteworthy.

Certainly, there were certain reasons behind these motives, which could be explained through the villagers’ daily lives. A significant number of men moved to their wife’s village and lived in proximity, if not in the same household, with her parents and sisters. As a result, the nuclear family became an extended family unit. Family members from the wife’s side were present in the children’s lives on daily basis, while grandparents and uncles from the father’s side stayed away, in another village. As a result, regular communication with the father’s family was difficult. Naming a child after a grandparent or a relative who lived in the same house was a way to honour and show respect to the older generation. It was also a way to recognise the contributions and wisdom of the grandparents and relatives who played a significant role in raising their grandchildren or nephews. Furthermore, naming a child after a grandparent, an uncle or an aunt could strengthen family ties and reinforce a sense of family unity. In households where multiple generations lived together, it was important to maintain strong family bonds and traditions through naming a child after a family member.

Religion, too, exerted a significant influence on naming customs in this region. In instances where parents did not choose a modern Italian or family name, they often named their sons Jannis (John) and their daughters Maria (Mary). This trend was particularly evident among males born after 1500 and was attributed to the cult of Saint John (Ioannis, popular form Jannis). The underlying cause for this male naming trend could be possibly attributed to the influence of two homonymous saints. Marathassa’s main settlement, San Zuan de Ramon or Prodromos, is named after Saint John the Forerunner (Ioannis Prodromos), the area’s patron saint. Another saint, John Lampadistes, was also highly venerated by locals. The monastery where he lived for the last four years of his life was built in the 12th century, and a new monastery dedicated to him was constructed adjacent to it. As a miracle worker, he had a significant cultural impact, which was evident even after his death resulting in many boys being named after him.

As for the common female name Maria, almost all local families had a daughter with this name. The cult of the Virgin Mary (Panagia) was an important factor in name selection. The monasteries surrounding the settlements in Marathassa are devoted to the Virgin Mary. The Holy Monastery of the Virgin of Kykkos is in the northwest, Panagia Trikoukiotissa is in the northeast, and Panagia Trooditisa is in the southeast. Thus, the Virgin Mary was seen as the protector of the area. To venerate God’s mother, parents named their female children after her.

In a nutshell, the study of nomenclature may bring to light hidden details of a society. Shifting naming patterns provide information on the history of people’s daily lives. Naming patterns reflect the values, beliefs, and traditions of a given community and offer insights into the historical, cultural, and religious influences that shape our world.